This
is the 128th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments
affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua
Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments,
and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report
is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at edmcw<a href="mailto:edmcw. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to etan. Link to this issue:.
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The Report
leads with "Perspective," an analysis piece; followed by "Update," a
summary of some developments during the covered period; and then
"Chronicle" which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals
and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in
contributing a Perspective or responding to one should write to edmcw.
The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not
necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN.For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.
CONTENTS
This edition's Perspective is the first part of an article by Made Supriatma about Indonesian security force deployments in West Papua. In Update: Papuan leaders from around the world gathered in Vanuatu. Peaceful Papuan demonstrators were detained and shot during events commemorating the founding of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB). Papuan Behind Bars reports that 69 West Papuan political prisoners are currently in Indonesian government custody. The U.S. government plans to expand
its support for "modernization" of the Indonesian military (TNI).
Reform of that deeply corrupt, human rights abusing and unaccountable
institution is not on the U.S. or TNI "modernization" agenda.
Indonesia's new defense minister plans to re-institute
military influence in civilian sectors. The plan would undo much of the
limited post-Suharto reforms with specific negative consequences for
West Papua. Another military plan, apparently endorsed by President Widodo, would put new military commands in West Papua. In Chronicle, Papuan political prisoner Filep Karma is interviewed by Michael Bachelard. A review of the 2001 Bloody Waisor incident provides important context to new logging plans. Budi Hernawan revisits the murder by Kopassus of Theys Eluay and the disappearance of his driver. Finally, we note a timely analysis of Indonesia's growing efforts to wield influence in Melanesia where support for West Papuan self determination is growing.
PERSPECTIVE
Indonesian Security Forces in West Papua (Part 1)
By Made Supriatma
By Made Supriatma
Made Supriatma is an editor with Joyo Indonesia News Service.
Army Navy and Air Forces Coming in Part 2: Police, Intelligence, and Conclusion
In his meeting with TNI elites, President Joko Widodo reportedly agreed
to a proposal to expand the army’s territorial command in West Papua.
The army proposed two more territorial commands (Kodam) in
eastern Indonesia. One is in Manado and the other is in Manokwari, the
capital city of Papua Barat province. The navy will also expand its
command by adding an Armada Command (Komando Armada Tengah) in Makassar. TNI also proposed to reviveKomando Gabungan Pertahanan (Joint Defense Command) which is similar to Komando Wilayah Pertahanan(defense territorial command) or Kowilhan. The Kowilhan
was established in 1969, and then eradicated in 1984 during the
reorganization of the Indonesian military. The TNI chief, Gen. Moeldoko,
said that he also plans to revive the position of territorial assistant
for the navy and air force.
President
Joko Widodo is the fourth civilian president of the reformation era.
Three of his civilian predecessors have never served full term in the
office. All of those civilian presidents had to deal with the military
and in fact it became their biggest challenge. President Widodo too has
to confront the same problem. The three presidents were approaching the
military differently. President Habibie chose to defy the military
completely when he decided to grant referendum to East Timor. President
Abdurrahman Wahid chose a more confrontational approach. He often
intervened in the military’s internal affairs. President Megawati
Sukarnoputri took a very different approach. She gave a ‘blank check’ to
the military. She appointed the ultra-nationalist officer Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu
as the army chief of staff. Under her administration, the military was
given permission to launch huge operations in Aceh in order to crush the
rebellion. Many of Megawati’s military men are now parts of the
Jokowi’s administration.
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